legislature try to confiscate two-fifths of the lawyers', or the
bakers', or the ironmoulders', just earnings," said they, "and see
what will happen!"

When such a bill as this comes to the floor for the third time the
fight is already over, oratory is futile; and Cicero could not budge a
vote. The railroads were forced to fight as best they could; this was
the old way that they have learned is most effective in such a
case. Votes could not be had to "oblige a friend" on the "Breaker"
bill; nor could they be procured by arguments to prove the bill
unjust. In brief: the railroad lobby had no need to buy Republican
votes (with the exception of the one or two who charged out of habit
whenever legislation concerned corporations), for the Republicans were
against the bill, but they did mortally need to buy two Democratic
votes, and were willing to pay handsomely for them. Nevertheless,
Mr. Pixley's price was not exorbitant, considering the situation; nor
need he have congratulated himself so heartily as he did (in moments
of retirement from public life) upon his prospective $2,000 (when the
goods should be delivered) since his vote was assisting the railroads
to save many million dollars a year.

Of course the lobby attacked the bill noisily; there were big guns
going all day long; but those in charge knew perfectly well that the
noise accomplished nothing in itself. It was used to cover the
whispering. Still, Hurlbut held his line firm and the bill passed its
second reading with fifty-two votes, Mr. Pixley being directed by his
owners to vote for it on that occasion.

As time went on the lobby began to grow desperate; even Pixley had
been consulted upon his opinion by Barrett, the young lawyer through