affectionate relations with those of the other race. Every typical
Southern man had what he called his "daddy" and his "mammy," his
"uncle" and his "aunty," by him familiarly addressed as such, and who
were to him even closer than are blood relations to most. They had cared
for him in his cradle; he followed them to their graves. Is it needful
for me to ask to what extent such relations still exist? Of those born
thirty years after emancipation, and therefore belonging distinctly to a
later generation, how many thus have their kindly, if humble, kin of the
African blood? I fancy I would be safe in saying not one in twenty.

Here, then, as the outcome of the first great issue I have suggested as
occupying the thought and exciting the passions of that earlier period,
is a problem wholly unanticipated,--a problem which, merely stating,
I dismiss.

Passing rapidly on, I come to the next political issue which presented
itself in my youth,--the constitutional issue,--that of State
Sovereignty, as opposed to the ideal, Nationality. And, whether for
better or worse, this issue, I very confidently submit, has been
settled. We now, also, looking at it in more observant mood, in a spirit
at once philosophical and historical, see that it involved a process of
natural evolution which, under the conditions prevailing, could hardly
result in any other settlement than that which came about. We now have
come to a recognition of the fact that Anglo-Saxon nationality on this
continent was a problem of crystallization, the working out of which
occupied a little over two centuries. It was in New England the process
first set in, when, in 1643, the scattered English-speaking settlements
under the hegemony of the colony of Massachusetts Bay united in a
confederation. It was the initial step. I have no time in which to
enumerate successive steps, each representing a stage in advance of what