I do not propose to consider the policy of this bill. To me the details
of the bill seem fraught with evil. The white race and the black race of
the South have hitherto lived together under the relation of master and
slave--capital owning labor. Now, suddenly, that relation is changed,
and as to ownership capital and labor are divorced. They stand now each
master of itself. In this new relation, one being necessary to the
other, there will be a new adjustment, which both are deeply interested
in making harmonious. Each has equal power in settling the terms, and
if left to the laws that regulate capital and labor it is confidently
believed that they will satisfactorily work out the problem. Capital, it
is true, has more intelligence, but labor is never so ignorant as not to
understand its own interests, not to know its own value, and not to see
that capital must pay that value.

This bill frustrates this adjustment. It intervenes between capital and
labor and attempts to settle questions of political economy through the
agency of numerous officials whose interest it will be to foment discord
between the two races, for as the breach widens their employment will
continue, and when it is closed their occupation will terminate.

In all our history, in all our experience as a people living under
Federal and State law, no such system as that contemplated by the
details of this bill has ever before been proposed or adopted. They
establish for the security of the colored race safeguards which go
infinitely beyond any that the General Government has ever provided for
the white race. In fact, the distinction of race and color is by the
bill made to operate in favor of the colored and against the white race.
They interfere with the municipal legislation of the States, with the
relations existing exclusively between a State and its citizens, or
between inhabitants of the same State--an absorption and assumption of