power by the General Government which, if acquiesced in, must sap and
destroy our federative system of limited powers and break down the
barriers which preserve the rights of the States. It is another step,
or rather stride, toward centralization and the concentration of all
legislative powers in the National Government. The tendency of the
bill must be to resuscitate the spirit of rebellion and to arrest the
progress of those influences which are more closely drawing around the
States the bonds of union and peace.

My lamented predecessor, in his proclamation of the 1st of January,
1863, ordered and declared that all persons held as slaves within
certain States and parts of States therein designated were and
thenceforward should be free; and further, that the executive government
of the United States, including the military and naval authorities
thereof, would recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons.
This guaranty has been rendered especially obligatory and sacred by the
amendment of the Constitution abolishing slavery throughout the United
States. I therefore fully recognize the obligation to protect and
defend that class of our people whenever and wherever it shall become
necessary, and to the full extent compatible with the Constitution of
the United States.

Entertaining these sentiments, it only remains for me to say that I will
cheerfully cooperate with Congress in any measure that may be necessary
for the protection of the civil rights of the freedmen, as well as those
of all other classes of persons throughout the United States, by
judicial process, under equal and impartial laws, in conformity with the
provisions of the Federal Constitution.

I now return the bill to the Senate, and regret that in considering the