drawn into war with America, not because of fear, but because of
important trade relations and also because of essential liking and
admiration, in spite of surface antagonisms, was not appreciated in
America. Lord Aberdeen indeed, and others in governmental circles,
pleaded that the support of Texan independence was in reality perfectly
in harmony with the best interests of the United States, since it would
have tended toward the limitation of American slavery. And in the matter
of national power, they consoled themselves with prophecies that the
American Union, now so swollen in size, must inevitably split into two,
perhaps three, rival empires, a slave-holding one in the South, free
nations in North and West.

The fate of Texas sealed, Britain soon definitely abandoned all
opposition to American expansion unless it were to be attempted
northwards, though prophesying evil for the American madness. Mexico,
relying on past favours, and because of a sharp controversy between the
United States and Great Britain over the Oregon territory, expected
British aid in her war of 1846 against America. But she was sharply
warned that such aid would not be given, and the Oregon dispute was
settled in the Anglo-Saxon fashion of vigorous legal argument, followed
by a fair compromise. The Mexican war resulted in the acquisition of
California by the United States. British agents in this province of
Mexico, and British admirals on the Pacific were cautioned to take no
active steps in opposition.

Thus British policy, after Texan annexation, offered no barrier to
American expansion, and much to British relief the fear of the extension
of the American plans to Mexico and Central America was not realized.
The United States was soon plunged, as British statesmen had prophesied,
into internal conflict over the question whether the newly-acquired