arts, and in fostering industry, to say nothing of its boons to
the dependent and meritorious in the shape of pensions, not a
dollar of the millions that are wasted every fourth year among
ourselves in the struggles of parties, can be said to be applied
to a purpose that has not a greater tendency to evil than to
good. The simple publication of documents, perhaps, may form some
exception to these abuses; but even they are so much filled with
falsehoods, fallacies, audacious historical misstatements,
exaggerations, and every other abuse, naturally connected with
such struggles, that we are compelled to yield them our respect
and credulity with large allowances for caution and truth. Were
this the place, and did our limits permit, we would gladly pursue
this subject; for so completely has the hurrah of popular sway
looked down everything like real freedom in the discussion of
such a topic as to render the voice of dissent almost unknown to
us. But our purpose is merely to show what probable effects are
to flow from the abuses of the institutions on the growth of the
great commercial mart of which we are writing.

{recourse to electors = the Electoral College}

We certainly think that even the looseness of law, legislation,
and justice, that is so widely spreading itself over the land, is
not exactly unsuited to sustain the rapid settlement of a
country. No doubt men accomplish more in the earlier stages of
society when perfectly unfettered, than when brought under the
control of those principles and regulations which alone can
render society permanently secure or happy. In this sense even
the abuses to which we have slightly alluded may be tolerated,
which it would be impossible to endure when the class of the