conventions left it to the legislatures to make laws for the freedmen. There
was no discussion of Negro, suffrage in the conventions, but President Johnson
sent what was for him a remarkable communication to Governor Sharkey of
Mississippi:

"If you could extend the elective franchise to all persons of color who can
read the Constitution of the United States in English and write their names,
and to all persons of color who own real estate valued at not less than two
hundred and fifty dollars and pay taxes thereon, you would completely disarm
the adversary and set an example the other states will follow. This you can do
with perfect safety, and you would thus place Southern States in reference to
free persons of color upon the same basis with the free states . . . . And as
a consequence the radicals, who are wild upon Negro franchise, will be
completely foiled in their attempts to keep the Southern states from renewing
their relations to the Union by not accepting their senators and
representatives."

In deciding upon a basis of representation, it was clear that the majority of
delegates desired to lessen the influence of the Black Belt and place the
control of the government with the "up country." In the Alabama convention
Robert M. Patton, then a delegate and later governor, frankly avowed this
object, and in South Carolina, Governor Perry urged the convention to give no
consideration to Negro suffrage, "because this is a white man's government,"
and if the Negroes should vote they would be controlled by a few whites. A
kindly disposition toward the Negroes was general except on the part of
extreme Unionists, who opposed any favors to the race. "This is a white man's
country" was a doctrine to which all the conventions subscribed.

The conventions held brief sessions, completed their work, and adjourned,
after directing that elections be held for state and local officers and for