dependencies which, taken together, were equivalent to a fifth), but
William had nourished hopes of Flanders and Brabant. He and Count
Egmont forgot what had really fallen to their share, and only remembered
that they had lost the regency. The majority of the nobles were either
plunged into debt by their own extravagance, or had willingly enough
been drawn into it by the government. Now that they were excluded from
the prospect of lucrative appointments, they at once saw themselves
exposed to poverty, which pained them the more sensibly when they
contrasted the splendor of the affluent citizens with their own
necessities. In the extremities to which they were reduced many would
have readily assisted in the commission even of crimes; how then could
they resist the seductive offers of the Calvinists, who liberally repaid
them for their intercession and protection? Lastly, many whose estates
were past redemption placed their last hope in a general devastation,
and stood prepared at the first favorable moment to cast the torch of
discord into the republic.

This threatening aspect of the public mind was rendered still more
alarming by the unfortunate vicinity of France. What Philip dreaded for
the provinces was there already accomplished. The fate of that kingdom
prefigured to him the destiny of his Netherlands, and the spirit of
rebellion found there a seductive example. A similar state of things
had under Francis I. and Henry II. scattered the seeds of innovation in
that kingdom; a similar fury of persecution and a like spirit of faction
had encouraged its growth. Now Huguenots and Catholics were struggling
in a dubious contest; furious parties disorganized the whole monarchy,
and were violently hurrying this once-powerful state to the brink of
destruction. Here, as there, private interest, ambition, and party
feeling might veil themselves under the names of religion and
patriotism, and the passions of a few citizens drive the entire nation